In this final part of the document we look at the state of the movement inside Iran, the weak and vacillating leadership of Mousavi, the reasons for the present lull in the movement and indicate the need for a revolutionary leadership capable of meeting the tasks of the Iranian revolution.
When Ahmadinejad and his allies within the Iranian regime rigged the presidential elections in 1388  they did not expect this development. In fact they had done it once before, though on a much smaller scale, when Ahmadinejad "won" his first presidential campaign. But the Iranian people could not endure any more of misery and poverty. They had nothing to lose and they used Mousavi as their rallying point. The millions coming out in the early days did not even expect anything to begin with.
But the immenseness of the movement shook them out of their usual ways of thought. At every turn the masses gained more confidence in their own powers. In those days the Iranian masses showed enormous potential. Without a lead, without organization or any means of communication, they organized one of the most biggest movements of the last decade. They understood that the only way forward was through struggle. They took their lives into their own hands and overcame many obstacles.
The enormity of the movement multiplied a thousand times all the tensions and contradictions brewing inside the ruling clique. Cracks started to appear in every corner of the system. Even within the Revolutionary Guards you could see episodes where some of the soldiers showed sympathy with the masses. Everything, that for so long had seemed rock solid, began shaking like a tower of jelly in those days in Iran.
But even a magnificent movement like the one we witnessed here, if not taken to a higher level, will inevitably go into decline. As a matter of fact, what was surprising was the resilience of this movement. For six months there were constant explosions every month, eventually climaxing in the Ashura uprising.
However, paradoxically, the Ashura uprising at the same time as it revealed the immenseness of the opposition of the masses to the regime, also opened the path for a period of lull in the movement. On the one hand, the scope and the unprecedented show of force by the masses highlighted the utter impotence and weakness of the regime. In fact, in an interview with The Guardian a defector from the IRGC revealed that the Ashura events had been so powerful that Khamenei and Ahmadinejad had ordered a plane to be put on standby, ready to fly them to Syria.
But, on the other hand, it was precisely this colossal show of strength that also highlighted the main weaknesses of the mass movement. Despite all the sacrifices that the masses had made, there had been no concrete results whatsoever. The lack of a programme, of an organization and the absence of the workers as a class began to act as a brake on the movement.
In the end these problems arise when there is no conscious revolutionary mass leadership. Although the level of consciousness of the movement in those days was considerably raised and the aims of the movement – the necessity of overthrowing the regime – became clear to thousands, the tools with which to act on this new basis were not there.
This is what determined the opening of a period of lull in the movement. It is also clear, however, that it does not indicate a decisive retreat of the movement; rather it signals awareness of the necessity for new means and methods. The issue is put in this way by the masses "we have put our lives at stake and we have used our full force, but no change has taken place. A new method is required."
The days of action that came after Ashura clearly showed the result of these moods. Although the brave front-runners of the movement still came out in these days without receiving significant blows, it was also clear that they didn't have the broader layers of the movement with them. In the face of massive repression, and with the absence of a plan and a programme, many decided to stay at home rather than risk their lives just to go home again. Trotsky explains in the preface to his History of the Russian revolution:
“The masses go into a revolution not with a prepared plan of social reconstruction, but with a sharp feeling that they cannot endure the old regime. Only the guiding layers of a class have a political programme, and even this still requires the test of events, and the approval of the masses. The fundamental political process of the revolution thus consists in the gradual comprehension by a class of the problems arising from the social crisis – the active orientation of the masses by a method of successive approximations.”
A revolution is a living struggle of social forces, each with their own inner contradictions, that rise and peak at different times. This struggle does not express itself through a straight line but in a combined and uneven manner. This is especially visible in the present movement in Iran.
We must remember that the movement initially had its inception in the student struggles of 1999! It took ten years for the movement to overcome the first stages and to begin the period of true mass struggle directly challenging the regime. At every step the movement will experience new obstacles that, having no revolutionary leadership, it must learn to tackle by trial and error. In the same way the movement went through several temporary and apparent periods of weakening before it exploded during the days of Ashura and Tasua.
The working class
It is clear that the lack of the working class as an independent actor with its own means and aims has been a source of weakness for the revolutionary movement, but could we have expected anything else? There are five main reasons that explain why the working class as an organised force has not been on the scene of revolution until now.
- Lack of organization: For the organized workers to participate, organization is needed. All the historical organizations have been completely destroyed in Iran and new ones are only now beginning to appear. Of genuine unions with a couple of thousand supporters there are less than five. Although this could change very fast it serves as a heavy brake for the movement of the workers
- The Economic Crisis: The recession and the subsequent decline in the conditions of the workers initially acted like a brake on workers all around the world, and especially in Iran where the crisis has been more severe than most other places. Although it is important to stress that this situation has started to change and we now see small signs of the workers beginning to move.
- Mistakes of the leaders: Although the Iranian workers' movement has come a long way, there are still weaknesses, especially in the leadership. The leaders of the few trade unions, although they supported the movement, did not act upon their support. They should have linked up with the demonstrations with strike action. For instance, the Vahed Bus union could have called a strike in the days of massive demonstrations after the election and during Ashura.
- The lack of a revolutionary programme: A clear programme is invaluable in a revolutionary struggle – the lack of one is a source of great weakness. While many have raised the slogan of a general strike they have yet failed to link it with the necessity of toppling the regime. However, to carry out a general strike, which in Iran at present effectively means challenging the state, the lack of a perspective of toppling the regime means an invitation for bloody and widespread retaliation as soon as the state has regained strength. Therefore in order to gather the mass of the working class, a bold programme linked with the slogan of "down with the regime" is necessary.
- Lack of a revolutionary party of the working class: All the above mentioned reasons can be boiled down to the lack of a revolutionary leadership. The cruel character of the totalitarian dictatorship and the lack of a revolutionary party and leadership clear the way for massive illusions in bourgeois democracy on the part of the masses. This is the most indubitable peculiarity of the present period in Iran. These traits have already made a significant impact on the course of the mass movement in Iran and will continue to do so.
Trotsky writing on the the perspectives of revolution in fascist Germany wrote:
“Historically, the direct replacement of the fascist regime by a workers’ state is not excluded. But for the realization of this possibility it is necessary that a powerful illegal Community Party form itself in the process of struggle against fascism, under the leadership of which the proletariat could seize power. However, it must be said that the creation of a revolutionary party of this sort in illegality, is not very probable; at any rate, it is not assured by anything in advance. The discontentment, indignation, fermentation of the masses will, from a certain moment onward, grow much faster than the illegal formation of the party vanguard. And every lack of clarity in the consciousness of the masses will inevitably help democracy.
“This does not at all mean that after the fall of fascism, Germany will again have to go through a long school of Parliamentarism. Fascism will not eradicate the past political experience; it is even less capable of changing the social structure of the nation. It would be the greatest mistake to expect a new lengthy democratic epoch in the development of Germany. But in the revolutionary awakening of the masses, democratic slogans will inevitably constitute the first chapter. Even if the further progress of the struggle should in general not permit, even for a single day, the regeneration of a democratic state – and this is very possible – the struggle itself cannot develop by the circumvention of democratic slogans! A revolutionary party that would attempt to jump over this stage would break its neck.” (Leon Trotsky, Fascism and Democratic Slogans, 1933)
The democratic illusions and the lack of workers’ organization capable of putting their stamp on the situation has undoubtedly served to temporarily blur the class nature of the struggle. Thousands of the natural leaders of the working class, seeing no alternative and correctly following their instinctive, seeking unity, have been working tirelessly side by side with other brave men and women from all corners of society. There is nothing incorrect in that, but the class divisions in the movement have been blurred to a large degree by this. This can only be temporary, however. Already now we have seen signs of a change in this aspect. The hectic daily work of the movement has ceased and a period of calm has emerged. The epicentre of activities has altered and a molecular process is taking places in the factories and the working class neighbourhoods that are being increasingly pulled in towards the movement.
We do not have a romanticised view of the working class. For Marxists it is a social force consisting of millions of people who do not own any means of production and who are thus forced to sell their labour power to the capitalists in order to survive. They are potentially the strongest social force who can topple any government, because they have the ability of halting production – the heart of capitalism. At the same time the workers are the only class that, due to their position in production has an instinctively collective consciousness and who can thus build a socialist society after a revolution. When we advocate the independent movement of the working class we do not advocate the division of the mass movement, on the contrary. The workers at the head of the movement are the only force that can consistently unite all other oppressed layers and classes behind them.
This process can already be seen in the number of strikes that have increased dramatically from the very low levels before Ashura. May Day last year (2010) – although not a numerical success at all compared to the previous year – for the first time revealed a truly national workers’ movement, with the organization of May Day pickets and demonstrations in many cities.
Talk of actively bringing the workers into the movement is now widespread and the general strike as a vital tool for action is widely accepted among the population. The humiliation of the regime in the Kurdish general strike on May 13 was undoubtedly a great inspiration for millions of Iranians. It is not at all ruled out that, at some point, the "whip of the counter-revolution" may lead to another general strike, this time on a nationwide basis.
The task of the communists is to prepare for such a development by taking up the demands of the workers within the movement and, in this way, work for the linking up of the movement with the working class. At the same time we must explain the necessity of a general strike while assisting in the building of organizing committees in the factories and neighbourhoods for its preparation.
No matter what, the situation is clearly being prepared for the active participation of the working class, although this development will only show its full significance once the regime is overthrown. In such a situation the inability of capitalism to offer any concessions to the masses will become clear and the perspective of socialism will open up before the masses. We must remember that revolution is a process that can last a long time. The Spanish revolution, lasting from 1930 to 1937, only started to take a clearly socialist character after four or five years, with the workers taking over the factories and running them themselves.
Women and revolution
Marxists understand revolution as “the festival of the oppressed”. When the masses come directly onto the scene of history to take politics into their own hands, every oppressed section of society brings its own and revolutionary potential to the movement demanding an end to each and all forms of oppression.
An integral part of the capitalist system, even in the most advanced, bourgeois countries, is the oppression of women. Those who suffer a double oppression are the vast majority of women from working-class and toiling sections of society. They not only have to go through the sufferings of their class brothers (unemployment, wage slavery, etc.) but a million other forms of exploitation that are reproduced by the capitalist system every day. One of the most manifest demonstrations of this is housework, which in most countries around the world is still fundamentally done by women. This, and other forms of “double exploitation” that women suffer, is a tool of the capitalist system to divide the working people along gender lines.
This double exploitation has meant that women have always been part of the most revolutionary sections of the working class. Women workers played a decisive role in two of the greatest revolutions of human history, the French Revolution of 1789-1792 and Russian Revolution of 1917.
If this is generally true all over the world, it applies a hundred times more to the conditions of Iran for the simple reason that the forms of exploitation of women in Iran and their severity under the Islamic Republic are also multiplied a hundred times over.
When Khomeini, heading the counter-revolution, defeated the 1979 revolution, he knew that for him to set up his counter-revolutionary theocracy, he had to severely oppress revolutionary women who had come out en masse in an unprecedented manner in the preparation and in the aftermath of the revolution. Khomeini and the Khomeinists put on their agenda a massive attack on Iranian women and today’s medieval laws are a direct result of this assault.
Based on the current Iranian Law, “Women’s blood money is half that of the men and the testimony of two women in court is equivalent to that of one man”. This gives us an indication of the degrading status that the law places women in Iran in.
However, looking at today’s society one can see how miserably they have failed in silencing and putting down Iranian women. In the recent period we have seen a most impressive range of activities by militant women in Iran. These go from debates and discussions that go deep into the roots of women’s oppression in Iran and internationally, to the mass movements and mobilization of Iranian women from all walks of life, the most well-known of which is the “One Million Signature Campaign”. Marxists see themselves as part of this explosion of struggles against the male chauvinist government of Iran. At the same time, we actively take part in the discussions in the movement to explain that women’s oppression is an integral part of the capitalist system and that the struggle for genuine women’s freedom inevitably comes into conflict with capitalism itself.
We need to explain that, despite what some bourgeois feminists want us to believe, militant women who fight in the ranks of the women’s liberation movement do not only concern themselves with purely “women’s issues”. They know very well that women’s liberation cannot come about unless men are also freed (i.e. unless the liberation of the whole of humanity is achieved). For them to end discrimination and inequality means participating in the first ranks of the popular movement against the dictatorship. They obviously bring their most radical demands to completely end the oppression of women (and it is these very demands that in turn add a massive revolutionary energy to the movement and bring more layers of women into it) but they are also among the most revolutionary and militant protagonists of the current movement. This is exactly what we have witnessed since the rise of revolutionary movement in summer 2008.
Some reactionary elements speak of women as a sect with its own “special interests” who shouldn’t care about supposedly “men’s” issues, such as changing the government, etc. Some have even gone as far as to claim that the massive presence of women in the Iranian revolution explains why it has remained “non-violent”. But pictures of women attacking the violent police and Basij put an end to all these reactionary “compliments”. These same elements criticized the Ashura uprising for going “too far” and becoming too “masculine”. A video of teenage students in a girls’ high school in Isfahan who were shouting “Death to the Dictator” and “Death to this government” was sufficient to show how much influence these champions of “non-violence” really have on ordinary Iranian women.
The Islamic Republic wanted to turn women into individuals isolated to the four walls of their homes with its oppressive medieval laws, but it has failed for today women are among the most radical section of the current movement. Their revolutionary energy is powerful combustible material for the women’s liberation movement which is itself an important column of the Iranian revolution. The women have risen up to liberate themselves from the chains of backwardness and through their own experience they will also find that such liberation can only come about through struggle against the capitalist system itself.
The National Question – For a Voluntary Union
Iranian society is comprised of a diverse variety of nationalities and groups that add to its incredibly rich culture. Arabs of the south, Kurds of the West, Turks of the North and West, Armenians of the North, Baluchis of the southeast, Turkmens of the northeast, Lurs of the centre, Afghans in different areas, are just among some of the distinct nationalities that live within the current borders of Iran. The experience of the last century clearly shows that these nationalities have always proved to be in the forefront of struggle for revolution, democracy and socialism in Iran. At the same time, central dictatorial governments have always oppressed them in the most brutal manner.
As a result, the national question is one of the most sensitive in Iran. More than half of the people in Iran are treated as second-class citizens, deprived of basic rights, such as the right to be educated in their own mother tongue, a policy that is shamefully supported not only by the Islamic Republic but also by a large part of the bourgeois opposition to the regime.
The struggle for democracy and socialism in our country will not bear fruit without a strong stance in support of the inalienable rights of all nationalities and ethnicities of Iran, offering a solution of the national question.
Marxists wholeheartedly support, and are an inseparable part of, the movement of the oppressed nationalities for their rights, from the right to use and be educated in one’s own language to that of the right to regional autonomy, which has been long denied by both the previous Pahlavi governments and the subsequent Islamic Republic. We support the total right to self-determination for all nationalities in Iran. It is unfortunate that some elements downplay the obvious national oppression that large sections of society have suffered or claim that fighting for the right to self-determination will weaken the ties of class solidarity between the workers in Iran. Marxists believe that a revolutionary unity of the whole of the Iranian proletariat, and that of the region as a whole, is impossible if it is not on a voluntary basis and without the perspective for the struggle against national oppression.
While believing in the total right of all nationalities of Iran to self-determination, Marxists propose a voluntary union of the working class and toiling masses of all Iran, together with all the other working people of the region, in the struggle to overthrow the Islamic dictatorship and for socialism.
Full trust in the masses – forward towards socialism!
It is clear that Iranian society is in a deep crisis. Although calm may seem to rule now we have yet to see the biggest explosions. The reason for this is clear – none of the main contradictions within Iranian society have been solved. On the contrary, the tensions have only risen. The state apparatus is devouring itself in a vicious circle of every-man-for-himself. The regime is very weak, but the economic situation is not leaving it a breathing space to manoeuvre. It is forced to attack, not only the most downtrodden masses, but also parts its own base. The regime is chronically sick and is not capable of solving even the smallest of problems. As soon as it extinguishes a fire in one place the flames spread to other sectors. The regime and its state apparatus are rotten from top to bottom and are doomed to fall.
At the same time unemployment, poverty and oppression are tearing up the fabric of society and dragging the country towards barbarism. The advanced decomposition of society is breaking down all human relations. Unemployment, poverty, prostitution, drug addiction, violence, child abuse and depression are normal elements in the everyday life of every single Iranian.
Almost 70 percent of the Iranian population is under the age of 30. A large number of these have a university degree. In 2008 alone over 3.5 million students enrolled in the universities. But for a majority of these young people the final exam is just the last step before unemployment. Without any bright future in sight the youth has been left to rot.
As long as the system of capitalism prevails none of these problems can be solved. This was exactly why the totalitarian dictatorship of the Islamic Republic was established in the first place, because capitalism is not capable of meeting even the smallest demands of the masses in Iran. This is even more the case in the crisis-period that we have entered now. Even in the most advanced countries with formal parliamentary democracy there is no room for enhancing the living standards of the masses. On the contrary, as we have seen, the capitalists are forced to attack all rights won by the working class in the previous period. This is not because of lack of capacity or because of a lack of human resources, but only because capitalist society is only run with the intention of the few to extract profit from the many.
It is clear now that at some point the Islamic Republic will fall. That is the greatest obstacle in front of the masses right now is the lack of a revolutionary leadership. It is important is to build a strong communist organisation that can channel the grievances of the masses towards their logical conclusion – socialist revolution. But with the scattered and weak state of the Iranian communists today the most likely situation would be that after the fall of the regime power would initially slip through the hands of the masses and some form of bourgeois democratic regime would emerge.
This would not be like the lonmgstanding bourgeois democracies in the advanced capitalist countries. It would be a very unstable regime, in some terms similar to the provisional government after the February revolution in Russia 1917. It would open a period where the bourgeoisie would try to consolidate power while at the same time having to make some concessions to the masses who would continue to push even further
It would be a mistake to think that the movement would stop once such a regime came to power. Many activists are concerned about the so-called “hegemony” of Liberalism within the movement, but we must emphasise that this is only caused by the lack of an alternative and not by the “bourgeoisification” or the brainwashing of the masses and the youth. Also we must point out that, in the final analysis, it is events and the material conditions that shape mass consciousness – this is true most of all in a revolutionary period.
A new bourgeois government would be a very weak one that would try to consolidate itself, while the masses would be pushing their own agenda. Until then the struggle would probably appear as a “national” struggle of all classes, but after the overthrow of the present regime, class differentiation would set in quickly. The liberal bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeoisie would be satisfied and would reduce the struggle to one about who gets control of the different parts of the old system. They would most likely use the opportunity to open up the Iranian market in accordance with IMF and World Bank directives and promote a massive programme of privatisation.
These actions, as we have explained earlier, would not solve the main problems of the masses: unemployment, poverty, rising prices, bad housing and misery and so on. But the workers and the youth would not accept such a situation. Therefore there would be a sharp turn to the left and a build up towards new explosions. This was the situation that was developing after the 1979 revolution, but was derailed by the Stalinists. Even Khomeini, who came to power on the shoulders of tens of millions in February, was confronted with big strikes and demonstrations of the unemployed by May.
It is thus only after an overthrow of the present regime that the real social fault lines will express themselves clearly and to the fullest. The youth will demand decisive changes in the running of society and to bring it under the democratic control of the masses. The nationalities will demand an end to oppression, the workers will demand the paying of back wages and on everybody’s lips will be one word: Jobs!
The problem is that the capitalists are not able to give such concessions or to create jobs. Thus they will be forced, sooner or later, to attack the masses and their democratic rights. This is when the question of socialism will come to the fore. For it is only by taking over of the key levers of the economy into their own hands that the masses will be able to solve their main problems. The bourgeoisie have proven that it is incapable of running the economy. As the workers from the Haft Tapeh sugar cane factory put it in May 2008 “We have said many times that we have the ability to run the factory and to continue production.”
However, we also have to understand that it is not enough to have workers’ control and management in one factory. It is not possible to build an island of socialism in a sea of capitalism. What is needed is to take over the main levers of the economy – the banks, the large factories and the land – and centralize them under a democratically developed national plan aimed at fulfilling the needs of the masses and not those of a small clique and their hangers on.
At the same time the Islamic Republic must be completely eradicated. A new state must be built rooted in the neighbourhoods and factories and based on the four principles that Lenin drew up for a healthy workers’ state:
- Abolition of the state bureaucracy and its replacement with elected, accountable and at all times recallable peoples representatives;
- No official is to receive higher pay than that of a skilled worker;
- In place of a standing army must be a people’s militia;
- Instead of a bureaucratic hierarchy, gradually all jobs in the administration of the state to be done by everyone in turn. Thus when everyone is a “bureaucrat” no one can be a bureaucrat
Only through the setting up of a workers’ state can the democratic rights of the people be secured and the true potential of the Iranian people be fulfilled. A socialist transformation of Iran would bring with it the greatest advances in science and culture. The high level of education, the ancient and rich culture, the big working class, the huge cities and the vibrant sea of youth that is today left to rot by the present system would form an immensely progressive mix. The advances for humanity would dwarf anything ever experienced and it would send shockwaves throughout the Middle East and beyond.
If such a victory were achieved, it would not stop at the present Iranian borders. Internationalism would be inherent in every facet of the revolution. On the one side, the need for rapid modernisation and development of industry and production would force the revolution to broaden its borders, and on the other it is inevitable that the movement would spread to all countries within the region, the peoples of which share the same sufferings and aspirations as the Iranian people, and this would also spread across the world.
The future of the movement and the tasks of the Marxists
Many of the youth who led the movement after the elections have joined the “Reformist” parties. In one sense this is a step forward, since it shows that they understand that a more organized struggle is needed on a political basis. But at the same time the policies of Mousavi will not solve anything and have already shown themselves to be disastrous.
In all his statements he defends the state in the name of the unity of the Iranian people, while at the same time he distances himself from the most sacrificing and farsighted elements in the movement. This is an indication of his true intentions. The unity of the masses with the rotten murderous state and military apparatus is like the unity of the hen and the fox. How can the masses unite with an apparatus that has been built and geared to murder and suppress? It would only be the prelude to a future bloodbath.
The fact that on the anniversary of the elections Mousavi withdrew his support for a demonstration only days before it was going to take place – thus leaving the most dedicated fighters vulnerable on the streets without mass support – shows his cowardly and treacherous nature. With friends like this, who needs enemies?
After the disappointment on the anniversary it was clear that the movement had decisively entered a period of lull. Thus it was cost free for Mousavi to call for demonstrations on Quds day, where he knew the masses would not turn out. Although the youth is not fooled by Mousavi and the “Reformists” there is no other alternative. Therefore the core of the movement will probably continue to support him in the next period. For the Marxists it is important not to act in an impatient and sectarian manner towards these honest elements who we should not treat as if they were in the same camp as Mousavi and other top “reformists”.
For Marxists socialism is not just a good idea, but a need arising out of the material conditions and that the masses gravitate towards when they are forced into struggle by capitalism. Our duty as Marxists is to patiently explain the need for socialism, taking as our starting point the immediate struggle of the masses.
At present, because of the lack of a revolutionary mass leadership and the totalitarian character of the regime, the movement has assumed that of a “democratic revolution”. We, the Marxists, are not opposed to democratic slogans. On the contrary, we are fully in support of democratic and anti-imperialist slogans. In fact contrary to all bourgeois elements who only use these slogans demagogically, we are the most consistent defenders of democratic rights. But at the same time we must underline the fact that capitalism, especially in Iran, will not be able to give these concessions.
It is the duty of Marxists to boldly put forward the slogans of democracy, which is the main wish of the masses at present, but at the same time to link them with the question of socialism. We must explain that it is only socialism – that is the rule of the masses – that can ensure these rights. In this way, based on the experience of the masses in their struggle, we are confident that we will win them to our side.
At present it is clear to us that the mass movement is neither dead nor defeated. At the same time it is also clear that it cannot continue in the form that is has assumed so far. It is precisely because of this that the present lull could continue. In this period the workers and youth will be thinking of what is required to remove this regime. Therefore sudden explosions are possible. In any case this is only a temporary phenomenon.
The material situation of the masses will worsen sharply and this will have the effect of dragging in wider layers into the movement as well as giving the struggles a much more bitter character. The movement of the Iranian masses shook the world two years ago, but even bigger explosions still lie in the future.
The political experience of this period will be very important. It will be a period of reassessment of the means and methods and a period, if seized on, of theoretical clarification. The weakness of the communists after the Ashura was their scattered nature and their lack of political homogeneity. The period we have entered provides us with an opportunity to gather the genuine forces of communism and weld them together with the ideas of genuine Marxism. Wherever possible, discussion circles must be set up to discuss the classical works of Marxism and how to connect the ideas of Marxism with the masses.
The immediate and urgent task of the Marxists lies in the building of a large core in time for the next mass eruption. If we succeed, our intervention can prove decisive. The scene is set for great events in the future. We have full confidence in the fact that the ideas of Marxism are the only ones that can explain the impasse of capitalism and at the same time show a way out towards socialist revolution. Our ideas have a wide audience and great traditions in Iran. The field is wide open for us and the tide of history is with us now – the scene is set for the greatest victory of all – forward to socialist victory!