Africa

The news of heavy fraud and corruption in two of South Africa’s biggest monopolies has thrown the big capitalists into turmoil. The scandals, which broke out almost simultaneously, involve two global behemoths, Naspers and Steinhof, and implicate some of the very biggest tycoons in the country, such as Christo Wiese, Markus Jooste and Koos Bekker.

Robert Mugabe’s departure on Tuesday, 21 November as president of Zimbabwe, after 37 years in office, has sent ripples throughout the southern African region. In Uganda it has brought out many of the underlying tensions beneath the surface of society.

Note: this article was published shortly before Mugabe announced his resignation, with immediate effect, at approximately 4pm (UTC).

On Monday morning, Zimbabwe was on a knife-edge after Robert Mugabe failed to announce his resignation as state president the previous evening. His resignation was widely expected after he lost complete control of his party over the weekend.

Tensions are reaching boiling point in Zimbabwe after the Army Commander, General Constantino Chimurenga, threatened that the army could “step in” if the ruling party, ZANU-PF, continues with the purge of veteran leaders in its ranks.

The announcement on Wednesday of more than 3000 job cuts at Sibanye Gold represents a clear attack against the South African working-class. Sibanye announced 2,025 ‘retrenchments’ and 1,350 ‘voluntary redundancies’, i.e, 3,375 job cuts at its Cooke mines in Gauteng and Beatrix West operations in the Free State.

Over the recent period sections of South African big business have been very vocal against corruption and have promised to “fight against” it.

But all of this hue and cry is merely a cover for an ongoing clash between different wings of the ruling class. These are primarily between the traditional big business section and the upstart wing of the Gupta family, which has close ties with president Jacob Zuma and a big section of the ANC government.

Like a hydra-headed monster, once again, ethnic tension has risen to near boiling point, threatening to tear Nigeria apart. This time around, it is the renewed call for secession of the South Eastern region (the Igbos) from Nigeria by the “Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)” to form the Republic of Biafra, that is haunting the nation. Similar agitation for Biafra in the late sixties eventually led to three years of civil war from 1967 to 1970, in which over two million men, women and children perished.

The murder of former African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) Secretary-General, Sindiso Magaqa, was received with shock, anger and revulsion across the country. Although his shooting is connected to the infighting in the ANC at local level, it reflects the present crisis in the party generally. Now, three months before of the National Conference, the factions in the party are in an open civil war with serious consequences for the class struggle.

Over the last few days hundreds of thousands of people have returned to the streets of the West African country of Togo to protest against the brutal dictatorship of Faure Gnassingbé. This is a continuation of a mass revolutionary wave which have hit the entire region over the last period.

The imperialist military interventions in Iraq, Syria and Libya were portrayed by Western leaders as “humanitarian” operations to restore democracy and human rights. But what has instead occurred is the exact opposite with the rise of different degrees of barbarism in all three countries. Just like in Syria and Iraq, we are now also witnessing the rise of slave-like conditions in Libya on a systematic level.

Desde outubro do ano passado, Al Hoceima e suas regiões vizinhas têm visto um grande movimento de protesto. A razão direta por traz disso foi o esmagamento de um jovem vendedor de peixes (Mohsen Fikri) em um container de lixo por funcionários locais depois de protestar a confiscação de seus bens. Atrás do movimento, no entanto, há razões mais profundas, como a ditadura, exploração, marginalização e desemprego: isto é, o capitalismo e o seu estado.

Het regime slaat hard in op de opstandige Rif. De Marokkaanse lente bloeit opnieuw op.

Afgelopen vrijdag, 26 mei, werden de gelovigen in de moskeeën van Al Hoceima verrast en kwaad gemaakt toen zij de preken van de religieuze leiders hoorden.

Dall’ottobre scorso, Al Hoceima e le sue regioni limitrofe hanno assistito un grande movimento di protesta. La ragione immediata dietro allo sviluppo delle mobilitazioni è stata l’omicidio di un giovane pescivendolo (Mouchine Fikri) letteralmente triturato in un camion della raccolta rifiuti. Fikri era inseguito dalla polizia locale dopo aver protestato per la confisca dei suoi beni. Dietro il movimento, però, esistono altri motivi più profondi, come la dittatura, lo sfruttamento, l’emarginazione e la disoccupazione, cioè il capitalismo e il suo stato.