The following motion has been passed by student members of Révolution (the IMT in France) at a general assembly at l'université Paul-Valéry-Montpellier. It has also be raised at a student assembly in Toulouse (to be voted on today), and will be raised in Nanterre and Lyon. It states support for the yellow vest movement, and calls for a campaign of strikes to overthrow the hated Macron government.

Ever since 1 December, the latest day of mass protest in France, the French media have relentlessly broadcast the scenes of conflict between “yellow vest” protesters and riot police that overtook Paris. Journalists and politicians alike are running a 24/7 relay-race to “condemn all violence” – with the notable exception of violence by the riot police, which has so far resulted in the death of at least one protester, and injured many peaceful demonstrators.

The Gilets Jaunes (yellow vests) movement in France is at a turning point. In the face of building radicalism, which now threatens the very survival of his government, Macron has changed his defiant tone and promised to “suspend” the fuel tax hike that provoked the movement. This retreat came after street battles over the weekend between thousands of protesters and the police that have left over 200 injured in Paris alone and resulted in at least one fatality.

Just over 25 years after its foundation, the European Union looks like it could be falling apart under the weight of its own contradictions. Everywhere you look, the major parties are coming under increased pressure due to the heightening of the class struggle as a result of 10 years of crisis. This has meant that, in one country after another, the ruling class can no longer rule in the old way.

In France, hundreds of thousands of people have participated since mid-November in the yellow vests movement to protest against the rise in fuel taxes and, in general, against the ever-increasing cost of living. This movement is the inevitable result of a palpable economic crisis, and the brutal austerity imposed by the current government.

The mobilisation of the gilets jaunes (“yellow vests”) protest movement marks an important step in the development of the class struggle in France. With no party, no union, and no pre-existing organisation, hundreds of thousands of people have participated in this movement against a tax increase on diesel and petrol, sweeping aside the pseudo-concessions and threats of the government. They are supported by a large majority of the population.

On 17 October 1961, between 200 and 300 Algerians and French citizens of Algerian origin, demonstrating against a curfew imposed on them by Paris Prefect of Police, Maurice Papon, were killed and thrown into the Seine by the police. 40 years later, few people know of this pogrom, which was perpetrated in full view of Paris, with the authority of the prefect, who was himself abetted by the highest levels of the state.

Sud Poste 92

We received this appeal for solidarity from the French postal workers of Hauts-de-Seine (Paris) who are fighting against the victimisation of their shop steward.

The railway workers' strike has encouraged other sections of the working class (and also the students) to mobilise. Refuse collectors, Air France workers, civil servants, lawyers, postal workers, hospital workers and care workers assisting the elderly (among others) are gearing up for action, and every day new layers are joining the fight. The ‘convergence of struggles’ is no longer just a slogan; it has become a fact.

UPDATE: We have just been informed of the good news that the students have been released, but the fact they were arrested to begin with is still a scandal. Yesterday, 9 April, University of Nanterre management called two units of the CRS [Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité: general reserve of the French National Police] to violently expel 100 students gathered in a General Assembly. Seven students were arrested. Six were remanded in custody, including our comrades Andreas


The latest issue of Révolution (French organ of the IMT) will be published in the wake of a social movement that could mark a turning point in the correlation of forces between our camp (the youth and workers) and the bosses, of which Macron’s government is the executive body. A rail strike, starting from 3 April, will be the focal point of the struggle. But, both for us and for our enemies, the significance of this strike goes beyond the fate of the SNCF [Société


Following amendments to the labour code (adopted in September 2017) that made it easier to fire workers, Macron’s government is now lashing out at the unemployed with a counter-reform to the unemployment insurance system. ‘Negotiations’ with the trade unions should conclude in mid-February. The law is scheduled to be adopted this summer.

Laurent Wauquiez was elected leader of The Republicans (Les Républicains,LR) on 10 December, by a wide margin (74.6 percent) in the first round of voting. The low voter turnout (42 percent of paying members) shows that the stakes were limited: the new shift to the right had already been acknowledged by the party’s rank and file.

On 23 September, Mélenchon’s France Insoumise (Rebellious France) organised a massive rally of over 100,000 in Paris against the austerity programme of the Emmanuel Macron government. Jérôme Métellus, editor of Révolution (the journal of the IMT in France), outlines what the Left and the Trade Unions in France should do next in the struggle to bring down Macron.

Since being elected Macron - the poster-boy of European liberalism and the self-described Jupiterian president - has seen his popularity steadily decline as his electoral facade crumbles away. A majority of French voters (57%) are now “dissatisfied” with the President's performance, making these approval ratings the lowest for any incoming president, after four months, since 1995.

57,4 % des inscrits ne se sont pas rendus aux urnes, hier, pour le deuxième tour des élections législatives (contre 51,3 % au premier tour). Ce n'est pas surprenant : dans bon nombre de circonscriptions, les électeurs n'avaient plus le choix qu'entre « bonnet blanc » et « blanc bonnet », sous diverses étiquettes (LREM, LR ou même PS).

Il primo turno delle elezioni legislative si è contraddistinto per un nuovo record d’astensionismo: 51,3 % dell’elettorato (nel 2012 arrivò al 42,8 %). L’ “ondata” della coalizione En Marche/Modem deve dunque essere considerata nella sua giusta dimensione, in quanto gli astenuti sono molto più numerosi degli elettori della “maggioranza presidenziale”.

Le premier tour des législatives a marqué un nouveau record d'abstention à cette élection : 51,3 % (contre 42,8 % en 2012). La « vague » de la coalition En Marche/Modem doit donc être ramenée à sa juste dimension : les abstentionnistes ont été beaucoup plus nombreux que les électeurs de la « majorité présidentielle ».

Yesterday’s first round of the French parliamentary elections marked a new record level of abstentions, 51.3% - compared to 42.8% in 2012. Therefore the so-called "surge" of the Marche/Modem coalition must be viewed for what it really is: those abstaining were far more numerous than those who actually voted for the "Presidential majority".

Na de meest chaotische presidentiële verkiezingen van de Vijfde Republiek, werd een nieuw staatshoofd verkozen. Na de eerste stemronde was de winnaar van de tweede ronde al bekend. Miljoenen linksgezinden hebben voor Macron gestemd enkel om de nederlaag van Le Pen te verzekeren. De fout ligt hier bij vele linkse- en vakbondsleiders die hen geen concreet alternatief boden. De meesten gingen zelfs zo ver dat ze opriepen om voor Macron te stemmen. Desondanks zijn de 20,7 miljoen stemmen voor


Οι πιο χαώδεις προεδρικές εκλογές της Πέμπτης Δημοκρατίας οδήγησαν στην εκλογή ενός νέου αρχηγού κράτους. Με το τέλος του πρώτου γύρου των εκλογών, ο νικητής του δεύτερου ήταν ήδη γνωστός. Εκατομμύρια αριστεροί ψηφοφόροι ψήφισαν «με μισή καρδιά» Μακρόν, για να ηττηθεί η Μαρίν Λεπέν.

Photo: Mutualité-Française

The most chaotic presidential election of the Fifth Republic has just resulted in the election of a new head of state. At the end of the first round, the winner of the second was already known. Millions of left-wing voters reluctantly voted for Macron to defeat Marine Le Pen.

L’élection présidentielle la plus chaotique de la Ve République vient d’accoucher d’un nouveau chef de l’Etat. A l’issue du premier tour, on connaissait déjà le vainqueur du deuxième. Des millions d’électeurs de gauche se sont faits violence et sont allés voter pour Macron afin d’assurer la défaite de Marine Le Pen. Il faut dire qu’aucun dirigeant de gauche ou syndical ne leur proposait une alternative concrète ; la plupart ont même appelé à voter pour le candidat d’En Marche !


Después de no superar la primera ronda de las elecciones presidenciales francesas, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a diferencia de otros candidatos perdedores, decidió no apoyar directamente a Emmanuel Macron en la segunda ronda. En lugar de eso, lanzó una votación entre sus partidarios del movimiento La France Insumisa, para decidir si votar en blanco, abstenerse, o votar a Macron en la segunda ronda.

Selon ses propres dires, Emmanuel Macron ne serait « ni de droite, ni de gauche ». Cette posture transcendantale avait pour objectif d’attirer des électeurs confus de tous les bords. Il y est parvenu – grâce à la profonde crise du PS et des Républicains. Mais lorsqu’on analyse à la fois le parcours et le programme de Macron, il ne fait aucun doute que le probable futur président de la République est de droite, c’est-à-dire un défenseur des intérêts de la classe dirigeante et un


After not making it past the first round of the French presidential elections, Jean Luc Melenchon unlike other losing candidates, decided not directly to support Emmanuel Macron in the second round. Instead, he launched a ballot vote amongst his supporters from the Rebellious France(La France insoumise) movement, to decide whether to cast a blank vote, abstain altogether from the elections or vote for Macron in the second round.

Los resultados de la primera vuelta de la elección presidencial abren una nueva fase de la crisis política en Francia. Al igual que en abril de 2002, la segunda vuelta opondrá la derecha a la extrema derecha. Pero mucho ha cambiado desde 2002. Entre medias, ha tenido lugar la crisis económica de 2008. La probable victoria de Emmanuel Macron, en dos semanas, no dará lugar a la relativa estabilidad política de la que Chirac se benefició tras su victoria en mayo de 2002.

Since Thursday, students and youth in Paris, Rennes, Nantes, Toulouse and other cities across France have held rallies and marched through the city streets. The protests were against the right wing nationalist Marine Le Pen and the liberal Emmanuel Macron who are facing off in the in the second round of the presidential election.

Alan Woods, editor of In Defence of Marxism, discusses the recent results of the first round of the French presidential elections. Above all, these results represented a shattering of the status quo, with a complete collapse of the traditional parties of the centre left and the centre right.

The results of the first round of the presidential election open a new phase of the political crisis in France. As in April 2002, the second round will be between the right and the far right. But much has changed since then. The economic crisis of 2008 has taken place. The probable victory of Emmanuel Macron, in two weeks time, will not lead to the relative political stability that Chirac benefited from in the wake of his victory in May 2002.

Los medios de comunicación se han apresurado a destacar el pase de Macron y Le Pen a la segunda ronda de las elecciones presidenciales  francesas –algo que, por otro lado,  esperaban desde el inicio de la campaña electoral. Para nosotros, el elemento más destacado es el gran resultado electoral de La Francia Insumisa que ha emergido como la fuerza hegemónica e indiscutible de la


Τα αποτελέσματα του πρώτου γύρου των Προεδρικών εκλογών, σηματοδοτούν την είσοδο της Γαλλίας σε μία νέα φάση πολιτικής κρίσης. Όπως και τον Απρίλιο του 2002, στον δεύτερο γύρο θα αναμετρηθούν η Δεξιά με την Άκρα Δεξιά. Όμως πολλά έχουν αλλάξει από τότε. Είχαμε το ξέσπασμα της κρίσης του 2008.

Met de resultaten van de eerste verkiezingsronde gaat de politieke crisis in Frankrijk een nieuwe fase in. Net zoals in 2002 zal het in de tweede ronde gaan tussen rechts en extreem rechts. Maar er is ondertussen veel veranderd. De economische crisis van 2008 heeft toegeslagen. De waarschijnlijke overwinning van Emmanuel Macron, binnen twee weken, zal niet tot een relatieve stabiliteit leiden zoals dat bij Chirac het geval was bij zijn zege in Mei 2002. De herschikking van het politieke


After months of turbulent campaigning, the drama of the first round of the French presidential election has come to a close, with Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen left to face each other for the second round.

Los resultados de la primera vuelta de la elección presidencial abren una nueva fase de la crisis política en Francia. Al igual que en abril de 2002, la segunda ronda opondrá la derecha a la extrema derecha. Pero mucho ha cambiado desde 2002. Entre medias, ha tenido lugar la crisis económica de 2008. La probable victoria de Emmanuel Macron, en dos semanas, no dará lugar a la relativa estabilidad política de la que Chirac se benefició tras su victoria en mayo de 2002. La


Les résultats du 1er tour de l’élection présidentielle ouvrent une nouvelle phase de la crise politique en France. Comme en avril 2002, le deuxième tour opposera la droite à l’extrême droite. Mais bien des choses ont changé depuis 2002. La crise économique de 2008 est passée par là. La probable victoire d’Emmanuel Macron, dans deux semaines, ne débouchera pas sur la relative stabilité politique dont Chirac avait bénéficié dans la foulée de sa victoire en mai 2002.

La repentina remontada de la candidatura de Jean Luc Mélenchon en las elecciones presidenciales francesas del próximo domingo 23 de abril, ha vuelto todas las miradas hacia su movimiento, La Francia Insumisa, y su programa. La Corriente Marxista Internacional nunca ha claudicado a la histeria de “que viene el fascismo” que ha caracterizado a las principales corrientes de izquierda europeas en los últimos meses. Al contrario, hemos defendido de manera


De senaste tre veckorna har Rebelliska Frankrikes kandidat ökat snabbt i opinionsmätningarna inför presidentvalet: från att ligga på femte plats med omkring 11 procent, till tredje platsen med över 18 procent idag. Samtidigt har andelen som uppger att de tänker rösta på någon av de två ledande kandidaterna långsamt men stadigt minskat: längst till höger har Le Pen gått från en högsta punkt på 28 ned till 24 procent, och den extremt högerinriktade liberalen Macron har gått från en


The last three weeks have seen a quick progression of the candidate of Rebellious France in the polls for the presidential election: from being fifth with around 11% to being third with over 18% now. This rapid rise has been accompanied with a slow but steady decrease in the voting intentions for the two candidates at the top, the far right Le Pen (from a peak of 28% down to 24) and the liberal Thatcherite Macron (from a peak of 26% down to 23).

With under a month to go before the first round of France’s presidential elections, there is still all to play for, with almost half of French voters still undecided. Arguably the most significant feature of the contest so far has been the almost complete collapse of the traditional parties. The incumbent president, Francois Hollande hasn’t even bothered to stand, so loathed is he by the public. His Socialist Party’s last hope, the “radical” Benoit Hamon, now languishes in fifth place


Two years ago, an editorial in the Financial Times described France as being in a pre-revolutionary situation. That may have been an exaggeration, but it was certainly a reflection of the impasse of French society. Now that impasse has grown into a full-blown political crisis.

The defeat of Manuel Valls in the Socialist Party primary was celebrated, or at least appreciated, by far more than the 1.2 million who voted for Benoit Hamon. Valls, the former prime minister, is one of the most consistent representatives of the right-wing, pro-capitalist, leadership of the PS.