In the recent period revolutionary movements have grown and surfaced across the world. The events in the Arab world have shown how strong these movements are, indeed they have succeeded in toppling tyrannical regimes in Tunisia and Egypt. Yet what all these movements have lacked is a genuine revolutionary leadership, and this serves as a barrier to genuine socialist revolution. In no country does this apply more so than in Iran.

Since Sunday, September 25^th more than 6000 casual workers at the Bandar Imam petro-chemical complex – Iran’s 14^th largest company, based on reported sales – in the south eastern part of Iran have been on strike. In solidarity with them, workers from at least four other petrochemical plants in the “Petrochemical Special Economic Zone” (PETZONE), housing some of the largest petrochemical complexes of Iran, have been involved in the conflict.

The last few weeks have seen an unprecedented public dispute between the president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the supreme leader Ali Khamenei. The dispute officially erupted over Ahmadinejad’s dismissal of Heydar Moslehi, the minister of intelligence who was fired by Ahmadinejad (officially he resigned himself) on April 17, but was then reinstated later the same day by a direct decree from Khamenei. Following Khamenei’s decision to reinstate Moslehi – that was done in a particularly humiliating manner first in a personal letter to Moslehi and then in a public address – Ahmadinejad embarked on an 11 day boycott of his cabinet meetings and many other official meetings.

In this final part of the document we look at the state of the movement inside Iran, the weak and vacillating leadership of Mousavi, the reasons for the present lull in the movement and indicate the need for a revolutionary leadership capable of meeting the tasks of the Iranian revolution.

The Iranian economy cannot escape developments within the world economy, but it also has its own peculiar national characteristics, being an underdeveloped country based mainly on the production of oil, which affects every other aspect of the economy.

Today we start the publication of a three part document on the perspectives for the Iranian revolution. In this first part we look at the general world economic situation and how this relates to the crisis facing the Iranian economy.