| Building the Indonesian Labour Movement - An interview with the union SBMNI |
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| By In Defence of Marxism | |
| Thursday, 30 November 2000 | |
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Since the fall of the dictator Suharto, the Indonesian working class has been in a constant struggle to build up its own organisations. But they are seriously hampered in this by the economic crisis and the resulting mass unemployment, even more than before. On top of that comes the ongoing repression by the employers, the government and the military. In spite of some small democratic reforms in political life, Indonesian society is still dominated by an elite that thinks they can do whatever they want. Even the use of physical violence remains a typical way to resolve labour disputes and break up strikes. Recently, such brutality led to the death of the worker Kimun Effendi, 21 years old. A gang of thugs, hired by the employer, attacked workers who were striking for better wages at the company PT Kadera AR Indonesia, a subcontractor of Toyota. Several other workers were taken to hospital because of serious injuries. Since the role of the military in labour affairs is reduced (a little), the employers have shifted their tactics to using another bunch of armed men, namely hired gangsters. Despite these dangerous conditions, more and more workers are courageously taking up the struggle for their interests as a class. One can see a proliferation of unions and their branches all over Indonesia. One of these young and militant unions is SBMNI, the Solidarity Maritime Workers and Fishermen of Indonesia. SBMNI was established on June 29, 2000, and consists of four sectors: seamen, fishermen, port workers and port transport workers. In the beginning, the union only counted some 350 members, but after only a few months, there are already more than 15,000 members. Before their organisational drive, the ports were totally dominated by the yellow union SPSI, and other GOLKAR affiliates. (Note: GOLKAR is the party of the former dictator Suharto.) SBMNI was the first independent union in the port, and now other unions are also finding their way to the port workers. As a preface to the interview we had with the general secretary of SBMNI, Mohamad Irfan, and his union comrades, we would like to give the introduction of a pamphlet they produced. This gives a good outline of the broader context in which their actions are taking place.
Interview with the union SBMNICan you give some examples of actions SBMNI has undertaken? November 9 and 10, 2000, we held a two-day strike in the port of Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta. Ten thousand port and transport workers participated. This was the first strike in Indonesia in this sector. Some of our demands are:
1) The status of permanent worker. Now nobody has a permanent
status, we are all contract workers, who can be laid off from one day
unto the other. Since the employers rejected all our demands, we plan to hold a second strike on May Day, at the same moment we are organising a big action with several other unions. Our former demands still apply, but now we focus on a few general demands.
1) The abolition of all illegal money collection. Because the port of Tanjung Priok is the most important port in Indonesia, our strikes can seriously hurt the port companies, and companies that depend on us. We calculated that the previous strike inflicted serious damage on several sectors. For instance, we estimate the loss in textiles at 20 billion rp. and in shipping at 12 billion rp. The total loss inflicted is 1.5 trillion rp., according to our calculations. Indeed, since Tanjung Priok is the biggest international port in Indonesia, we have a strategic position as a union. In your introductory text, you refer to globalisation and the impact of the WTO, APEC and AFTA on the port workers. Can you explain this a little more? For example, multinationals can now buy up 100% of state companies for, because of the privatisation drive. In that way, the Hong Kong based British multinational Hutchinson became the biggest shareholder in the Jakarta International Container Terminal. Although the situation before was not ideal either, the state still gave better working conditions. Hutchinson keeps on mechanising and this leads to lay-offs. During the 1980s, there were 12,000 port workers. After the mechanisation only 7,000 workers remain, a reduction by almost a half of the work force. What about your relations with other unions? We have good relations with, for instance, GARTEKS of SBSI (Note: probably the best known union of Indonesia's militant garment and textiles sector), STA of SBSI (Note: transport and loaders and unloaders), FNPBI (Note: the radical union led by Dita Sari), and SPSI-Reformasi (Note: the split-off from the yellow union SPSI). We are also a part of the Forum Solidaritas Union (FSU), a forum of most of the Indonesian federations, and we have already carried out some joint actions, for example, against the increase in oil prices, somewhat like the actions in Europe last year. On May Day, we have a joint action at the Monas, the national monument. We will put forward some general demands of the workers movement of Indonesia, focusing on the abolition of all labour laws and regulations implemented by the New Order. This includes the freedom to associate and the abolition of all contract work. Our own agenda is related to these big issues. It is a pity that the working class organisations are still so fragmented into more than 30 unions. This largely derives from the euphoria after the breakdown of the Suharto era. The sense of democracy, linked to the former situation of only one state union, SPSI, makes for the proliferation of trade unions. In spite of our support for these struggles and organising, we think it is in the interest of the working class that we form a common front in one union. Actually, it is the leaders of the unions that are the biggest obstacle to this. The leadership mostly does not come from a workers' background, but from the middle class and academic circles. More importantly, there are a lot of petty jealousies, and they do not want to lose their position as leaders. Nevertheless, there are attempts to unite the unions. One example of this is the already mentioned FSU. In this forum, we try to develop one ethic to remove this unhealthy competition. The companies use this competition between the unions to divide the workers. Competition is damaging to the interests of the class. Therefore, we have draw up a code around which to unite. This code states that members of the FSU should work together to face the employers. It is the task of the unions to socialise this code. The workers want this too, the only problem is the leadership. But there is still a long way to go. In your opinion, what political strategy should the unions follow? The unions do not trust the political parties, because they are only interested in power. The political consciousness of the workers is still very low, they are mostly focused on economic questions and the daily struggle. It is a pity, but most of them do not understand politics. They vote for personalities rather than for political programs. Our union sees the development of political consciousness as one of our main tasks, but we need more time. First we have to unite the unions more. The breakdown of the New Order led to the awakening of the working class. The first step is organisation, increasing the training and education. How to conquer a CLA? How to make a program? How to plan our activities? Those are our current concerns. Thank you very much for the interview. The reader has probably noted that SBMNI still works in very unfavourable conditions. So every little bit of international solidarity will give them new strength to accomplish their task. Their e-mail is: This e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it Please, do not hesitate to send them your support. |
Asia
Indonesia / East Timor
Building the Indonesian Labour Movement - An interview with the union SBMNI 


